The Entourage of King Sigismund in his 1416 England Visit The paper seeks to explore the members of the royal entourage during King Sigismund of Hungary's visit to England at the court of King Henry V in London, Canterbury and Leeds Castle (Kent) in 1416. Sigismund was escorted by a great number of his Konstanz retinue to negotiate the anti-French Canterbury treaty with the king of England. The royal escort of a few hundreds is first seen through contemporary sources (Thomas Elmham: Vita Henrici Quinti; The Translator of Livius: First English Life of king Henry the Fifth; Robert Redmayne: Vita Henrici Quinti; Gregory's Chronicle), several even mentioning some court compatriots by name (e. g. Palatine Miklós Garai), then the study investigates the circles of participants through archival sources, donation (e. g. ius gladii or coat-of-arms giving) charters for services in Anglie, or those issued by the King's chancery while in England (or, at the following talks with Henry V and the Duke of Burgundy in Calais, then under the English crown in September-October 1416). Royal diplomatic correspondence with the synod of Konstanz or with the Reichstag as well as safe conducts are also examined when reporting names of knights, or relators of the Sigismundian court in royal service. Indirect evidence for a stay in England is given by private letters or papal correspondence. The research was to start out from the list of the entourage who attended the Aachen coronation of Sigismund and were at Konstanz. The greatest of the inner circle of the retinue who are proved to have been in England are, for example, István Bátori, the Pálóci-brothers, János Perényi.
The English Kingdom of Corsica, or a history of mutual misunderstanding
In the spring of 1794, the Corsican people declared their union with Great Britain. A special, short-lived state, the Anglo-Corsican kingdom was created. Its political backspace – a strong, revolutionary France, and Bonaparte's successful Italian campaign – did not give a great chance of surviving to this little state. As well as due to the events of world history, the Anglo-Corsican state did not have a great future because of its serious inner conflicts. Since these two years were not successful stories for the participant nations, for the most part, English, French, and Corsican historical narratives ignore this episode. This paper tries to examine the political disturbances, conflicts of the island of Corsica, and attempts at their resolution in the years of 1794–1796. These projects aimed at dealing with the troubles proved totally unsuccessful. The main problem was the distance between the eighteenth-century English, and the contemporary Corsican society and politics. The English politicians, arriving in the island – such as Sir Gilbert Elliot –worshipped English parliamentarism, the whig political tradition, and the constitution, like idols. They were persuaded that the English constitution would be the sole remedy for all the Corsican problems, and the island was an extraordinary happy country for getting this constitution as a present. However, Corsica had an archaic society with the clan-system, banditism, and the tradition of the vendetta. Eighteenth-century Corsica was not able to put the English constitution into practice. This paper deals with the problems of the Catholic religion, the innovation of the jury-system, and its immediate withdrawal, the characteristics of the taxation, and the island's specific foreign policy. The Englishmen's being full of self-confidence, and arrogance evoked the national hypersensibility of the Corsicans. Between the English and Corsican leaders (also within the two groups) the political differences were surpassed by serious personal discords. To resolve these conflicts there were only a few, mainly unsuccessful attempts. The English regime – in spite of its unquestionably good intentions, and gallant gestures – quickly became unpopular.
Austria-Hungary's diplomatic relations with Morocco at the beginning of the twentieth century
The study is aimed at discussing the diplomatic relations between Austria-Hungary and Morocco before World War I as well as the visit of Count Victor Folliot de Crenneville, Austro-Hungarian chief consul at Tanger, to Tanger in 1902. The two parties came into contact in the last third of the eighteenth-century, when they signed a bilateral peace and commercial agreement, which they renewed several times. The last one, made in 1830, remained in effect until the eve of the First World War. The study discusses the establishment and working of the Monarchy's embassy in Morocco, emphasizing that its responsibilities were primarily commercial and not political. After the compromise of 1867 and the creation of the „Adria Magyar Tengerhajózási Rt." (Hungarian Adriatic Sea Trade Co.) its activities intensified due to the Monarchy's merchants' intention to acquire positions in then unknown markets. Crenneville paid his visit, in part, with such a purpose, though also triggered by Franz Joseph's personal ambitions. The envoy met sultan Mulay Abdel Aziz several times, whom he told about the Monarchy, trying to express its benevolence by means of giving gifts. The young ruler reciprocated, promising to be a partner in the development of bilateral relations. The study concludes that the success of the visit lay in the fact that the Monarchy had no power interests in the region, thus posing no threat to the sultan's empire. He was pleased by the approach because the Monarchy, a neutral power, could mean support to a Morocco with rather strained relations with France.
Henry A. Kissinger and the Realpolitik Tradition in US Foreign Policy
Liberalism and, in international relations, liberal internationalism have been generally identified as 'mainstream' by the great majority of the students of U. S. history. However, the essay argues that a strong Realpolitik element has been present since the birth of the U. S. In fact, it contends that this Realpolitik element defined in essence U. S. foreign affairs, while the liberal factor has mostly been used on a rhetorical level. The culmination of this tendency came with the presidency of Richard N. Nixon, and the activities of his chief foreign policy advisor, Henry A. Kissinger. Kissinger's thoughts were primarily shaped by such 19th century diplomats as Metternich, Castlereagh and Bismarck, while his more immediate spiritual ancestors were Morgenthau, Kennan and Niebuhr. The following questions in Kissinger's philosophy are explored in some details: power and its use in international relations; the use of nuclear and conventional weapons in the nuclear age and the viability of contemporary American nuclear postures; détente and its rationale; the correlation between doctrines and capabilities; the balance among international actors and its implementation in the form of the 'triangular policy'; and the role of the statesman. Mention is made of the liberal and conservative criticism of the Kissingerian concepts and Kissinger's own criticism of Wilsonianism. The essay concludes that the ideas professed by Henry A. Kissinger can best be charaterized as 'Wilsonianism plus', in which the 'plus' means the Realpolitik element and true essence of his philosophy.
The Hot Line in the Cold War
The experience of the Cuban Missile Crisis resulted in the birth of a Direct Communication Link – the hot line – between Moscow and Washington in August 1963 in order to better and quicken communication between Soviet and American leaders in times of direct superpower conflict. In this paper, drawing on the summit diplomacy literature, we explore the role this technological innovation played in Cold War superpower relations – most importantly how much its use was in harmony with the aims of its establishment. Focusing on the Six Day-, the Indo-Pakistani-, and the Yom Kippur wars, the invasion of Afghanistan and the Polish crisis of 1980, we argue that the hot line was employed in a much broader sense than originally thought, that is, similarly to any other means of crisis management: it was applied to quicken communication as well as to gain time, to resolve as well as to temporarily deepen crises. However, it was never utilized in direct superpower conflicts, since the Missile Crisis, by putting mankind to the brink of nuclear holocaust, also had a sobering and, thus, restraining effect on superpower competition. The hot line could only survive further technological innovation because it came to embody superpower commitment to cooperation.
Operetta diplomacy. The Princess Csárdás in Moscow and Leningrad (1955–1956)
This essay discusses the adaptability of a boulevard theatre genre in the cultural context of totalitarian communism. The Hungarian operetta tradition was a popular branch of mass culture, part of the international show business. When Hungary became a part of the Soviet Empire, the intrusion of the Socialist Realist Aesthetics into the music theatre practice resulted in an „invented tradition" (Hobsbawm), in intercultural performances containing a mixture of entertainment (acting style, stars) and political propaganda (libretto). The professionalism of the pre-war stars made the „socialist operetta" a relatively successful schematic theatre genre. The article focuses on the „socialist version" of The Princess Csárdás. The adaptation of the former show biz product with its politicized libretto excelled even in the field of interstate cultural relations, in Moscow and Leningrad (1955–1956). Based on confidential reports of the Hungarian diplomacy I outline the intended political goals and the actual gains of this tour as well as its great significance in the history of the Soviet-Hungarian cultural relations.
The situation of Victorian professionals in the last third of the nineteenth century, 1870–1901
The main purpose of this paper is to examine what kind of evolutionary process the professional segment of the English society had undergone by the last third of the Wonderful Century, and what the term itself meant in this period. The paper calls attention to the main social, cultural and economic factors that had promoted the formation of Victorian professionals into a more or less homogeneous subclass and also points at the differences in life quality and career opportunities that the upper- and lower branch professionals experienced. I discuss the problem of social ascendence and examine what the consequences of the proliferation of the professionals segment of the Victorian society were for themselves as well as for the public that they mostly provided their services for. Finally, I evaluate the significance of this subclass on the individual, national and imperial level and justify my hypothesis according to which professional work in the closing decades of the Victorian era paved the way towards the creation of the welfare state in the twentieth century.