a borítólapra  Súgó epa Copyright 
Aetas26. évf. (2011.) 4. sz.

Tartalom

Tanulmány

  • Stanislaw A. Sroka :

    Students from Bardejov at the University of Cracow in the 15th century and their future career

    The paper describes the citizens of Bardejov studying at the University of Cracow in the 15th century and their future career. According to the source material, mainly the university register, there were 55 students from Bardejov who were studying in Cracow in the 15th century. Based on the vast archival material available in Bardejov, the article analyses the students' future life, as many of them returned to their home town and pursued various careers. The sources show, even though sometimes incompletely, the further life of only 16 out of 55 students, so nearly 30%. The majority of them played an important role in 15th-century Bardejov, either in its cultural or religious life. The university studies, which were always expensive and demanded a lot of sacrifice from the parents, undoubtedly guaranteed a student the position in Bardejov's "cream of society". Even after their studies, many of the students preserved the love of books, either by working as copyists or by owning their private, often huge, libraries. Many students decided on the church jobs, hol-ding the posts of altarist or vicar at the St. Giles church in their home town.


    Studenci bardiowscy na Uniwersytecie Krakowskim w XV wieku i ich póĽniejsze losy

    Artykuł omawia studia mieszczan bardiowskich na Uniwersytecie Krakowskim w XV wieku i ich póĽniejsze kariery. Według zachowanych Ľródeł, głównie metryki uniwersyteckiej, w XV w. przebywało w Krakowie na studiach 55 żaków z Bardiowa. W artykule autor charak-teryzuje ich póĽniejsze losy, wykorzystuj±c bogate archiwalia bardiowskie. Wszak więk-szo¶ć ze studiuj±cych mieszczan wróciło do swojego rodzinnego miasta i tam robiło różne kariery. ¬ródłowo daje się uchwycić, niekiedy w formie tylko szcz±tkowej, losy 16 studen-tów spo¶ród 55 osób, czyli prawie 30 %. Większo¶ć z nich odgrywała w XV-wiecznym Bar-diowie znacz±c± rolę kulturaln± lub religijn±. Niew±tpliwie studia uniwersyteckie, zawsze dosyć kosztowne i poci±gaj±ce za sob± czasami wyrzeczenie się ze strony rodziców, sytuow-ały dan± osobę „w ¶mietance towarzyskiej" Bardiowa. Wiele osób swoje wyniesione z lat studiów zamiłowanie do ksi±żek kontynuowało w latach póĽniejszych, czy to w postaci działalno¶ci jako kopi¶ci ksi±żek czy też jako posiadacze prywatnych, niekiedy całkiem spo-rych rozmiarów, bibliotek. Sporo żaków obrało kariery ko¶cielne, pełni±c w swoim rodzin-nym mie¶cie funkcję plebana przy ko¶ciele ¶w. Idziego, czy też altarysty.

  • Ring Éva :

    Hungarian–Polish Galician Uprising Plans and Collective Memory

    Following the First Partition of Poland, it was expected by both the Hungarian and the Polish nobility, who where traditionally on friendly terms with each other, that the recently acquired province of Galicia was to be part of the kingdom of Hungary. However, after long hesitation, Maria Theresa annexed Galicia to the hereditary lands. In 1772, Polish administration and jurisdiction were abolished in the new land, and the majority of officials were dismissed. The implementation of Austrian administration, German as the official language and the substitution of Polish functionaries with German and Czech officials shocked the Polish nobility. It was soon recognized that the Polish estates of Galicia would make a natural ally of the nobility in Upper Hungary, utterly dissatisfied with Hapsburg customs policies.

    Finished in October 1792, the French revolutionaries' foreign policy strategy for rearranging the existing balance of power in Europe entitled "Instructions and principles to be followed during the negotiations with the King of Prussia" did contain the name of Galicia. The draft presented in Paris in January 1973 by Thaddeus Kosciusko, the envoy of Polish immigrants living in Saxony was a response to this paper. According to the Polish proposition, the implementation of France's plan should start with "instigating riots and local uprisings in Hungary, Galicia, Bohemia, Silesia, Prussia and Russia". We know that, due to internal power struggles among French leaders, Kosciusko got no substantive response from foreign affairs minister Lebrun and returned to Saxony to learn that he had been elected as the leader of the uprising in preparation by the Warsaw conspirators. The Galician uprising could possibly be a part of their plans, given that Kosciusko himself went there in order to supervise the preparations in the autumn of 1793. He requested help from the French before the outburst of the uprising by sending Franciszek Barss to the Committee of Public Safety in Paris. The Galician movement was to have a preponderant role in his plans: "Especially Galicia, this province important to the House of Hapsburg could easily be annexed by Poland. The Galicians had already contacted the Commander-in-Chief in order to perform military operations together with the Polish."

    On the basis of the reports of the Polish emigrants in Venice and the Austrian government's informers, we can be almost certain that, in addition to the Galician uprising plans, the idea of a Hungarian-Polish military cooperation had been raised. A substantial amount of circumstantial evidence shows that Austrian and Hungarian Jacobins had the intention of raising an army of 30,000 volunteers to support the Kosciusko Uprising. This plan was not forgotten even after the downfall of the uprising. However, the Austrian occupation and the operations of the Austrian secret police rendered the situation more difficult for the Galician conspirators. As Jan Henryk Dabrowski had been organizing the Polish Legions in Italy since 1796, it was thought that the Galician uprising has to be unleashed with their help. According to the scheme, after having disembarked on the Dalmatian coast the legions would have entered Hungary to unite with Hungarian dissenters and then, together, would have penetrated Galicia to occupy the province. This plan was never fulfilled, as General Bonaparte had already concluded an armistice with Austria in Leoben before the beginning of the operation.

    Eventually, the Hungarian-Galician uprising did not break out at the end of the 18th century, but it is known from the memoirs of Józef Wybicki that the Polish were still counting on the Hungarian estates' actions during Napoleon's 1809 offensive. The memory of the common action plan became part of the collective memory and nourished the intention of common military operations throughout the 19th century.

  • Agnieszka Kawalec :

    The traitors: Adolf Rolinski, Ludwik Ksiezopolski – and Galician jurisdiction in the 1830s

    After the suppression of the 1830/1831 or "November" war of independence, in autumn, thousands of soldiers, who had fought against the tsarist Russian army on the territory of the Kingdom of Poland, were seeking refuge in Galicia, in the noble mansions of the Hungarian counties bordering Galicia and in Transylvania, for example, in Nagyenyed. Many of the former freedom fighters who found a new home in Galicia joined underground conspiracy movements and partisan groups which were planning a new revolt against much hated Russia. Often, these events led to serious consequences, like arrests, severalmonth-long legal proceedings, years of prison terms and incarceration in notorious prison fortresses.

    The „heroes" of the paper were soldiers during the 1830/31 Polish war of independence who, as part of the retaliation after the suppression, were forced to enrol in the Russian army and sent to distant provinces in Russia. They managed to escape and find refuge in Galicia. There, surrounded by the respect and trust of their former brothers in arms, they joined the underground movement. Two of them, Adolf Rolinski and Ludwik Ksiezopolski decided to collaborate with the Austrian secret police and gave up their partners, acquaintances, friends and benefactors associated with the conspiracy – they went as far as to randomly name persons unknown to them in the hope of Vienna's „gratefulness" and help in exchange. Through the story of the two traitors and the personal dramas of the victims, the author aims to present how the investigative bodies of the era operated and to show the Austrian jurisdiction in Galicia in the 1830s in its true colours.


    Adolf Rolinski i Ludwik Ksiezopolski a galicyjski wymiar sprawiedliwo-sci w latach 30. XIX wieku

    Po upadku powstania listopadowego jesienia 1831 r. tysiece bylych powstanców walczacych w Królestwie Polskim przeciw wojskom carskiej Rosji szukalo schronienia w Galicji, ale tez na dworach szlachty wegierskiej, w powiatach przygranicznych z Galicja oraz na terenie Siedmiogrodu, m.in. w Nagyenyed. Sposród licznej grupy niedawnych powstanców prze-bywajacych na terenie Galicji, wielu zaangazowalo sie w dzialania konspiracyjne i party-zanckie, majace na celu przygotowac nowe powstanie przeciwko znienawidzonej Rosji. Konsekwencje tych wydarzen byly dla nich czesto bardzo dramatyczne. Aresztowania, wie-lomiesieczne procesy, wyroki skazujace na dlugoletnie wiezienia i pobyt w oslawionych twierdzach.

    „Bohaterami" niniejszego tekstu sa dwaj zolnierze insurekcji 1830/1831 r., którzy w wyniku represji popowstaniowych zostali przymusowo wciagnieci do armii rosyjskiej i skie-rowani w glab Rosji, ale po dezercji z transporu znalezli schronienie w Galicji. Tu cieszac sie zaufaniem i szacunkiem swych niedawnych towarzyszy broni, zostali wtajemniczeni w prace konspiracyjne. Obydwaj – Adolf Rolinski i Ludwik Ksiezopolski, zdecydowali pójsc na wspólprace z wladza austriacka i denuncjowali swych wspólpracowników, znajomych, przyjaciól i dobroczynców, ale tez obcych i przypadkowych ludzi, majac nadzieje na „wdziecznosc" i pomoc ze strony Wiednia. Poprzez historie dwóch zdrajców, ale tez drama-tyczne dzieje ich ofiar, autorka starala sie ukazac mechanizm dzialania ówczesnych orga-nów sledczych oraz faktyczne oblicze austriackiego wymiaru sprawiedliwosci na terenie Galicji w latach 30. XIX wieku.

  • Ewa Beres :

    Events in Krosno and its environs between 1846 and 1849

    During the years when Poland existed as a partitioned land, in the middle of the 19th century, Krosno and its environs were the scene of many significant events. The region was affected by the Kraków Uprising of 1846, the ensuing peasant revolt and the events of the Spring of Nations.

    In Krosno, the preparations for the uprising began in 1845, with the participation of Polish democrats, among others Edward Dembowski, Franciszek Wiesiolowski and Teofil Wisniowski, as well as the representatives of the local nobility and intelligentsia. The date set for the outbreak of the uprising was the night of the February 21, 1846. The news about the Tarnów massacre prevented the planned outbreak, with the peasant movement called the peasant revolt having a paralysing effect, too. The peasant revolt did affect the villages in the Krosno area, but it claimed fewer victims and wreaked less havoc than in the Tarnów district. Most often it manifested itself in looting mansions, destroying farms, beating up landowners and handing them over to the district's Austrian commissioners, as it happened in the case of Tytus Trzecieski's estate in Polanka, while the poet and geographer Wincenty Pol was staying there.

    During the Spring of Nations, as in other towns in Galicia, a National Council was established, presided by Dr Juliusz Kallay. The National Guard was also set up, with Jan Lagonski in command and Antoni Jezioranski as the supervisor of the Guard. One of its task was to provide help to the volunteers setting off in the autumn for Hungary to support the Hungarian war of independence. The hussar regiments stationed in Galicia also departed in the autumn for Hungary to the call of Lajos Kossuth, and they, too, needed assistance. The Russian troops sent by tsar Nicholas I on the request of Franz Joseph I to suppress the Hungarian war of independence arrived in the Krosno district in the late spring of 1849.


    Wypadki lat 1846-1848 w Kro¶nie i okolicy

    W okresie rozbiorów w Krosnie mialo miejsce wiele waznych wydarzen: Powstanie Kra-kowskie, rabacja chlopska oraz Wiosna Ludów. W Krosnie i okolicy przygotowania po-wstancze trwaly od 1845 r. Uczestniczyli w nich demokraci polscy- m. in. Edward Dembow-ski, Franciszek Wiesiolowski, Teofil Wisniowski oraz miejscowa szlachta i inteligencja. Da-te wybuchu powstania ustalono na noc z 21 na 22 lutego 1846 r. Niestety w krosnienskie dotarly wiesci o wypadkach tarnowskich i dlatego nigdzie nie doszlo do wybuchu powsta-nia, któremu przeszkodzil ruch chlopski zwany rabacja. Objal on wiele wsi w okolicach Krosna, ale nie przybral tak ostrych form jak w Tarnowskiem. Najczesciej dochodzilo do napadów na dwory szlacheckie, pobicia ich wlascicieli, dostarczania ich do cyrkulów au-striackich oraz rabowania i niszczenia mienia dworskiego, tak jak to mialo miejsce w Po-lance bedacej wlasnoscia Tytusa Trzecieskiego, u którego przebywal goscinnie poeta i geo-graf Wincenty Pol.

    W trakcie Wiosny Ludów w Kro¶nie, tak jak i w innych miastach galicyjskich utworzono Radę Narodow±, na czele której stał dr Juliusz Kallay. Powstała też Gwardia Narodowa dowodzona przez Jana Łagońskiego. Funkcję inspektora pełnił Antoni Jeziorański. Jego zadaniem było udzielanie pomocy ochotnikom polskim przedostaj±cym się licznie się na Węgry, aby wesprzeć tamtejsze powstanie. Tędy ruszały do swego kraju, wzywane przez Lajosa Kossutha, pułki węgierskie stacjonuj±ce w Galicji oraz węgierscy dezerterzy z wojska austriackiego. Wiosn± 1849 r. w Kro¶nie i okolicy pojawiła się też armia rosyjska, któr± na mocy porozumienia z cesarzem Franciszkiem Józefem, car Mikołaj I posyłał do stłumienia rewolucji węgierskiej .

  • Varga E. László :

    His Majesty's soldier, Kádár's subject. The life of Nándor Taróczy, lieutenant-general of the Royal Army of Hungary

    Nándor Taróczy, lieutenant-general of the Royal Army of Hungary was born and raised, studied and begun his military career under the reign of King and Emperor Franz Joseph I. His second injury during World War I excluded him from field operations and he was moved to administrative services. He served in the occupied Serbian, Polish and Italian territories' military governorships. He was 44 years old at the time of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. From 1918 to his retirement in 1928, he served in the Royal Army of Hungary. While serving in the Kriegsarchiv in Vienna, he assisted the establish-ment of two divisions of the Polish army's general staff, namely the military and counter-intelligence divisions and recruited secret agents to Poland in Czechoslovakia without any financial reward for himself. In the summer of 1920, during the decisive phase of the Polish-Soviet war it was to his proposition that the Polish, due to the Italian, Czech and Austrian railroad workers strike, requested the Hungarian government to allow the transportation of the war material from Western Europe through the territory of Hungary, thus ensuring the steady war material supply of Poland. Taróczy spoke four languages in addition to his own mother tongue. He foresaw the rise of the Soviet Union as a superpower in the first half of the 20th century and despised the decadency of the West. He was interested in political and social issues. Being able to speak in Russian, he succeeded to prevent the residents of his home district from being harassed by Red Army soldiers. In the 1950a, he was dispossessed of his villa, his pension was reduced and he had to work as a night watchman. Having outlived several political regimes, he died in Buda-pest at the age of 99 after a long and meaningful life.


    Zolnierz Franciszka Józefa I, poddany Kadara. Zyciorys wojskowo-polityczny wegiersko-królewskiego gen.dyw. Nandora Taroczego

    Generał dywizji Nándor Taróczy (czytaj Taroucy) urodził się w czasie panowania Jego Ce-sarsko-królewskiej Mo¶ci Franciszka Józefa I. W jego erze się wychowywał, uczył i został wojskowym. W czasie pierwszej wojny ¶wiatowej, dwa razy został ranny, po czym nie był zdolny do służby na froncie, więc służył w biurach CK. Generalnego Gubernatorstwa w Bel-gradzie, Lublinie i we Włoszech. W chwili upadku Monarchii Austro-Węgierskiej ma 44 la-ta. Odt±d do roku 1928 służył w węgierskim królewskim wojsku. Podczas pobytu w Kre-igsarchiv w latach 1919-1920 w Wiedniu, zwerbował agentów do pracy na terenis Checho-słowacji dla oddziału II Sztabu Generalnego w Warszawie, oraz zdobył dla tego oddziału pomoce kryptograficzne. Latem 1920 roku, kiedy w wyniku strajków robotników i kolejarzy Austrii, Czech i Włoch zagrozone zostało zaopatrzenie w materiał wojenny Wojska Polskie-go, za jego rad± rz±d wegierski zado¶ćuczynił pro¶bie polskiego rz±du by transporty szły przez terytorium Węgier. Znał sze¶ć języków, miał szerokie horyzonty. Już w latach 20-tych XX wieku przewidywał, że Zwi±zek Sowiecki stanie się mocarstwem ¶wiatowym, z ko-lei Zachód krytykował za jego egoizm materialny. Interesował się z zagadnieniami społecz-nymi i politycznymi. W lutym 1945 roku dzięki jego porozumieniu z odpowiednim komen-dantem Armii Czerwonej, jej żołnierze nie popełnili żadnych wykroczeń wobec ludno¶ci dzielnicy Budapesztu, gdzie gen. dyw. Taróczy mieszkał. W latach 50-tych XX wieku po-zbawiono go emerytury i willi. Pracował jako stróż nocny. Po długim, zdrowym życiu, prze-żywszy kilka systemów politycznych zmarł w Budapeszcie w 1973 r. maj±c 99 lata.

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